The Morphosyntax of Upward Agreement and Downward Agreement

Transcription

1 1 / 18 The Morphosyntax of Upward Agreement and Downward Agreement Summary, Part I: What kind of patterns have we seen so far? Anke Himmelreich anke.assmann@uni-leipzig.de Universität Leipzig, Institut für Linguistik 07 December, 2017

2 2 / 18 Table of Contents 2 Classification of Phenomena 1 Phenomena

3 3 / 18 Table of Contents 1 Phenomena

4 4 / 18 Negative Concord Phenomenon: Negative markers appear in places where they are not interpreted as negation (1) a. Personne a rien dit Nobody has nothing said Nobody said anything. b. Je n ai vu personne I not.have seen nobody I haven t seen anybody. c. Personne n a rien dit Nobody not-has nothing said Nobody said anything. Direction seems to be upward

5 4 / 18 Negative Concord Phenomenon: Negative markers appear in places where they are not interpreted as negation (1) a. Personne a rien dit Nobody has nothing said Nobody said anything. b. Je n ai vu personne I not.have seen nobody I haven t seen anybody. c. Personne n a rien dit Nobody not-has nothing said Nobody said anything. Direction seems to be upward

6 5 / 18 Complementizer Agreement Languages: Arabic, Dutch/German Dialects, Limbum, Lubukusu,... Phenomenon: Complementizer agrees with a nominal argument, mostly the subject (2) a. (I frog me) ob-sd ned du des mocha kansd I ask myself whether-2sg not you this make could-2sg I ask myself whether you could not make it. (Bavarian) b. yì kwà cí yì-ne mámá bívù 2pl think 2pl-comp grandmother fut1 come You think that the grandmother will come. (Limbum) Direction seems to depend on the language: Grassfields Bantu: upward agreement; Germanic: downward agreement Note: In any case, the phenomenon seems to involve (language-dependent?) locality restrictions

7 5 / 18 Complementizer Agreement Languages: Arabic, Dutch/German Dialects, Limbum, Lubukusu,... Phenomenon: Complementizer agrees with a nominal argument, mostly the subject (2) a. (I frog me) ob-sd ned du des mocha kansd I ask myself whether-2sg not you this make could-2sg I ask myself whether you could not make it. (Bavarian) b. yì kwà cí yì-ne mámá bívù 2pl think 2pl-comp grandmother fut1 come You think that the grandmother will come. (Limbum) Direction seems to depend on the language: Grassfields Bantu: upward agreement; Germanic: downward agreement Note: In any case, the phenomenon seems to involve (language-dependent?) locality restrictions

8 6 / 18 SVA Arabic Phenomenon: SVA in Arabic dialects depends on the type of subject (full NP, pronoun, conjoined NP) and the position of the subject in relation to the verb (preverbal, postverbal) (3) a. Pal-Pawlaad-u naam-uu/*naam-a. the-children-nom slept-3pl/*slept-masc.3sg The children slept. b. naam-a/*naam-uu slept-masc.3sg/*slept-3pl The children slept. c. naam-uu/*naam-a hum. slept-3pl/*slept-m.3sg they They slept. l-pawlaad-u. the-children-nom (Standard Arabic) Direction seems to depend on features and dialects: number agreement is different than gender/person agreement

9 6 / 18 SVA Arabic Phenomenon: SVA in Arabic dialects depends on the type of subject (full NP, pronoun, conjoined NP) and the position of the subject in relation to the verb (preverbal, postverbal) (3) a. Pal-Pawlaad-u naam-uu/*naam-a. the-children-nom slept-3pl/*slept-masc.3sg The children slept. b. naam-a/*naam-uu slept-masc.3sg/*slept-3pl The children slept. c. naam-uu/*naam-a hum. slept-3pl/*slept-m.3sg they They slept. l-pawlaad-u. the-children-nom (Standard Arabic) Direction seems to depend on features and dialects: number agreement is different than gender/person agreement

10 7 / 18 Fake Indexical Phenomenon: Pronouns that appear in the form of an indexical have a reading as a bound variable. Thus, the form seems to be due to φ-agreement with the antecedent. (4) a. I m the only one who takes care of my son. b. Ich bin der einzige, der meinen Sohn versorgt. I am the only who my son take.care.of Direction seems to be upward

11 7 / 18 Fake Indexical Phenomenon: Pronouns that appear in the form of an indexical have a reading as a bound variable. Thus, the form seems to be due to φ-agreement with the antecedent. (4) a. I m the only one who takes care of my son. b. Ich bin der einzige, der meinen Sohn versorgt. I am the only who my son take.care.of Direction seems to be upward

12 8 / 18 SVA Breton Phenomenon: SVA depends on overtness of subject, word order and the presence of functional verbal material (auxiliary have, negation not ) (5) a. Ar vugale a lenn/*lennont the children PART read/*read.3pl The children read books. b. Levrioù a lennont. books PART read.3pl They read books. c. Ar vugale ne lennont/*lenn the children PART read.3pl/*read The children do not read books. levrioù. books ket levrioù. not books Direction seems to depend on the presence of elements that do not show agreement

13 8 / 18 SVA Breton Phenomenon: SVA depends on overtness of subject, word order and the presence of functional verbal material (auxiliary have, negation not ) (5) a. Ar vugale a lenn/*lennont the children PART read/*read.3pl The children read books. b. Levrioù a lennont. books PART read.3pl They read books. c. Ar vugale ne lennont/*lenn the children PART read.3pl/*read The children do not read books. levrioù. books ket levrioù. not books Direction seems to depend on the presence of elements that do not show agreement

14 9 / 18 SVA Kinande Phenomenon: SVA depends on clause structure and type of subject (NP vs. pronoun) (6) a. émbugá l ǒlúhi 9problem 11COP 11war The problem is the WAR. b. oluhi lo mbuga 11war 11FOC 9problem The WAR is the problem. c. eprobleme ni ingye aug.9problem NI 1st person pronoun The problem is me. Direction might be fixed (depending on how the clause structure looks like)

15 9 / 18 SVA Kinande Phenomenon: SVA depends on clause structure and type of subject (NP vs. pronoun) (6) a. émbugá l ǒlúhi 9problem 11COP 11war The problem is the WAR. b. oluhi lo mbuga 11war 11FOC 9problem The WAR is the problem. c. eprobleme ni ingye aug.9problem NI 1st person pronoun The problem is me. Direction might be fixed (depending on how the clause structure looks like)

16 10 / 18 Gender Agreement Jarawara Phenomenon: TAM and clausal markers agree with an argument in gender, choice of argument depends on the clause structure (A- vs. O-construction) and the person/number features of the potential goals (7) a. mee o-wa.katoma-ra o-ke 3PL.O 1SG-stare.at-IP.F 1SG-DECL.F I stared at them. b. Jobeto awao baka Jobeto(m) stick(f) break Jobeto broke the stick cleanly in two. c. inohowe owa fito alligator(m) 1SG.O grab o-ke 1SG-DECL.F The alligator might habe grabbed me. Direction seems to be downward na-kosa-re- -ka AUX-CLEANLY-IP.M- -DECL.M kane-hina APPL-AUX-IRR.M a,a EXTENT

17 10 / 18 Gender Agreement Jarawara Phenomenon: TAM and clausal markers agree with an argument in gender, choice of argument depends on the clause structure (A- vs. O-construction) and the person/number features of the potential goals (7) a. mee o-wa.katoma-ra o-ke 3PL.O 1SG-stare.at-IP.F 1SG-DECL.F I stared at them. b. Jobeto awao baka Jobeto(m) stick(f) break Jobeto broke the stick cleanly in two. c. inohowe owa fito alligator(m) 1SG.O grab o-ke 1SG-DECL.F The alligator might habe grabbed me. Direction seems to be downward na-kosa-re- -ka AUX-CLEANLY-IP.M- -DECL.M kane-hina APPL-AUX-IRR.M a,a EXTENT

18 11 / 18 Free Relatives Greek Phenomenon: In free relatives in Greek, the wh-phrase matches the case assigned by the matrix verb to the free relative; case attraction is dependent on the case value and the word order (8) a. to vravío θa to pári [ópjos/*ópjon the price.acc FUT CL.3.NT.SG.ACC take.3sg who.nom/*who.acc epiléksume] choose.1pl The price will be awarded to whoever we choose. [ópji/ópjon who.pl.nom/who.pl.gen b. *írθan come.pst.3pl Dósame give.pst.1pl prósklisi] invitation.acc Anyone to whom we gave an invitation has come. c. [ópjos/ópjon who.nom/who.acc epiléksume] θa pári choose.1pl FUT take.3sg Whoever we may choose, he will get the price. to vravío the price.acc Direction seems to be upward (if case attraction is agreement)

19 11 / 18 Free Relatives Greek Phenomenon: In free relatives in Greek, the wh-phrase matches the case assigned by the matrix verb to the free relative; case attraction is dependent on the case value and the word order (8) a. to vravío θa to pári [ópjos/*ópjon the price.acc FUT CL.3.NT.SG.ACC take.3sg who.nom/*who.acc epiléksume] choose.1pl The price will be awarded to whoever we choose. [ópji/ópjon who.pl.nom/who.pl.gen b. *írθan come.pst.3pl Dósame give.pst.1pl prósklisi] invitation.acc Anyone to whom we gave an invitation has come. c. [ópjos/ópjon who.nom/who.acc epiléksume] θa pári choose.1pl FUT take.3sg Whoever we may choose, he will get the price. to vravío the price.acc Direction seems to be upward (if case attraction is agreement)

20 12 / 18 SVA Sardinian Phenomenon: agreement on the participle in perfect unaccusative clauses depends on the choice of the auxiliary, which is determined by the definiteness and the position of the noun phrase (9) a. B at kerkitu there have.needed.part.sg.ms Three eggs were needed. b. *Bi sun kerkitos there be.pres.3pl needed.part.pl.ms Three eggs were needed. c. Bi sun kerkitos there be.pres.3pl needed.part.pl.ms Those eggs were needed. tres ovos. three egg.pl tres ovos. three egg.pl cussos those Direction seems to depend on the definiteness of the goal ovos. egg.pl

21 12 / 18 SVA Sardinian Phenomenon: agreement on the participle in perfect unaccusative clauses depends on the choice of the auxiliary, which is determined by the definiteness and the position of the noun phrase (9) a. B at kerkitu there have.needed.part.sg.ms Three eggs were needed. b. *Bi sun kerkitos there be.pres.3pl needed.part.pl.ms Three eggs were needed. c. Bi sun kerkitos there be.pres.3pl needed.part.pl.ms Those eggs were needed. tres ovos. three egg.pl tres ovos. three egg.pl cussos those Direction seems to depend on the definiteness of the goal ovos. egg.pl

22 13 / 18 Table of Contents 2 Classification of Phenomena

23 14 / 18 Features involved in Agreement φ-features: Complementizer agreement SVA Arabic/Breton/Kinande/Sardinian/Jarawara Fake Indexicals negation: Negative concord case: Free relatives Greek

24 15 / 18 Agreement Target (AT) and Controller (AC) Complementizer Agreement: AT: Complementizer AC: argument/verbal agreement markers(?) SVA: AT: (functional) verbal head AC: Subject Fake Indexicals: AT: pronoun AC: coreferential noun phrase Negative Concord: AT: Argument AC: (Functional) head of negation(?) Free Relatives: AT: wh-phrase AC: case-assigning verbal head

25 16 / 18 Distance between AT and AC within the same phrase: maybe SVA within the same clause: maybe SVA complementizer agreement negative concord fake indexicals across clauses: fake indexicals free relatives

26 17 / 18 Categories of AT and AC one verbal, one nominal: probably complementizer agreement SVA negative concord maybe free relatives both verbal: maybe complementizer agreement (in Germanic dialects) both nominal: fake indexicals maybe free relatives negative concord

27 18 / 18 A First Guess at the Directionality Disclaimer! The following classification is highly speculative.

28 18 / 18 A First Guess at the Directionality Disclaimer! The following classification is highly speculative. Only Downward Agree possible: (SVA Kinande) SVA Jarawara Only Upward Agree possible: negative concord fake indexicals SVA Kinande free relatives Greek Bidirectional Agree necessary: complementizer agreement SVA Arabic SVA Breton SVA Sardinian