The ups and downs of a public transport reform: the case of Transantiago

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The ups and downs of a public transport reform: the case of Transantiago Andrés Gómez-Lobo Department of Economics University of Chile

Motivation Transantiago was (and is still) a controversial and problematic reform It originally generated a great disruption to public transport users and unseen social and political unrest Why did this happen? How could this have happened in a country noted for otherwise good public policies?

Overview The public transport system before the reform The original design of Transantiago and its problems: Design Contracts and incentives Fares and subsidies What was done since 2007? Current challenges and wider lessons for public transport reform in developing countries (SITP)

1) The system pre-ts Tendered but competitive bus system No competition in fares, only frequency Low quality of buses Noise Air pollution Excess supply in low demand hours

System pre-ts Transit chaos Congestion Accidents Informality 2,1 bus per owner

System pre-ts Drivers Informal labor relations Worked 14 to 16 hours per day Rents or inefficiencies Owners of tendered contracts Driver wages included a premium

System pre-ts Important fall of public transport in modal split: 1991: 70% 2006: 50% Growing congestion due to rising car ownership

However: Very good coverage: where there is demand there is supply More than 300 services Point to point services: Private solution to fare integration Less than 10% of users changed modes or bus services to complete trip

Metro Modern, efficient and high quality Covered operational cost and 1/3 of investments But: Underutilized (Metro Boutique )

Regional experience Optimism regarding public transport reform possibilities: Transmilenio in Bogotá Curitiba Private infrastructure concessions in Chile Same professional teams

2) General description of TS Trunk-feeder design: City split into 10 local service zones for feeder services (exclusive franchise) 5 trunk route services Plan for exclusive bus corridors (225 kilometers by 2025, modal exchange stations (bus-metro)

Reform description I Fare integration: Not complete, connections had a cost, but less than two full fares Electronic payment mechanism Non-contact pre-paid electronic card

Reform description II Financial Administrator (AFT): Revenue collection from public and pay operators according to contract conditions Establish a network of charging points (including Metro) for pre-payment cards Equip buses with payment validations equipment, GPS, fleet management system, passenger count equipment, cameras and video recorder, emergency button, etc.

Reform description III Fleet renovation Only for some trunk services Euro III and Euro IV technology Articulated buses (160 passengers) Eliminate competition in the streets 90% of payment to operators fixed Prohibition to pay drivers according to passengers transported

Reform description Self-funding (at average fare of the old system). Had to pay: Bus operator contracts Metro AFT SIAUT PPP infrastructure projects Design fleet reduced to a minimum (4.500)

3) The Big Bang (10/2/2007) February 10 th 2007 This stage had already been postponed 6 months All services were reorganized Fare card payment was supposed to be introduced New contracts came into operation

State of the system in 10/2 Infrastructure 16 of 225 kms of exclusive corridors operational Clearing system was not operating Pay operators according to reference demand Fleet management system inexistent how to monitor and enforce service requirements? Few charging points for card Fare fixed at $380 (except Metro at peak)

Consequences I CHAOS!! Few buses operating Articulated buses reduced frequency High congestion in Metro due to: New route design Reliability compared to buses Cheaper than before the reform Recharge payment card

Consequences II Access, waiting and in vehicle travel times increased Trip experience (quality) in public transport deteriorated Social and political crisis (spontaneous riots)

4) What were the main mistakes? To answer this we need to clarify what determines users welfare in public transport And then see what the original design had to offer to users

Welfare: generalized cost of travel W = α p CA CE CV - E Mode constant: Service quality (comfort) Fleet renovation Financial cost: Fares Access time cost: Coverage Waiting time cost: frequency connections required to complete trip Externalities: Fleet quality Incentive structure In vehicle time cost: infrastructure

4.1) What was the result for each of these elements? Mode constant (comfort) Congestion increased in buses and metro Scarce fleet renovation (T1, T2 y T4) New buses uncomfortable (few seats and difficult to move around) Fare was to increase for the majority Average fare of old system (only 10% gained) Subsequently fare was fixed (deficit)

Results for each element I Access time costs: original network design (centrally planned) increased this cost Waiting time cost 70% of trips had to make connections Low frequency of services: Articulated buses Fleet level design too low (4.500) Few buses operating (incentives)

Results for each element II In-vehicle time cost: For people who could now use the Metro this time fell (but it is worth 1/3 of waiting time) For others it probably remained fairly constant Lower average speed of articulated buses (infrastructure planned to be completed in 2025!!) Higher respect for transit laws and regulation Higher boarding speed (electronic card)

Results for each element III Externalities: Reduced Noise Air pollution Accidents, injuries and fatalities However, did the majority value this? Did they relate it to the reform?

Net effect of original design W = α p CA CE CV E W = Initially W = Conclusion: original design and implementation never offered very much to users (when infrastructure was not in place)

Example: connections Trunk-feeder scheme makes sense when the time savings in the trunk service more than compensates for the connection cost: Metro BRT (Transmilenio) Transantiago, no (only 16 kms of corridors in February 2007)

Towards a solution I Mode constant: Increase fleet (Pullman buses in 2007; regular fleet increased from 4.500 to 6.100 buses) More fleet renovation (T5; new contracts) Bus stop infrastructure (> 10.000 by 2009) Infrastructure (in-vehicle time): Accelerate construction of exclusive corridors More than 70 kms built during 2007-2009 Network had 90 kms by early 2010

Towards a solution II Financial cost: Freeze the fare (small rise in February 2009) Access time cost: Increased coverage Number of services increased from 222 to 333 Waiting time cost: More fleet, more frequency and less connections MAKE SURE OPERATORS COMPLY WITH OPERATIONAL PLAN!

4.2) Contracts and incentives There are only two options: Carrots Market incentives, link income to demand Stick Fines, monitoring and enforcement

Carrot Payment to operators hardly depended on demand 90% of payment fixed (referential demand) 100% during first few months before the clearing system was operational

Stick Fines were very low: Fines when frequency was below 60% of plan 200 UF for each occurrence (US$ 10.000) Required monitoring No payment associated with pax-km supplied Un credible threat: 6.000 UF in fines in a 12 month period required the authorities to but an end to the contract (US$ 258.000)

Consequences Worst case scenario: No stick and no carrot Operators had no incentives to comply with the operating plan

Solutions First contract renegotiation: Middle of 2007 Increase from 10% to 35% income linked to demand But with hindsight this may still be too low when operators do not compete Change payment formula: Real payment = ICPH * Payment due by contract ICPH: Index of seat supply per hour

ICPH Measured every half hour (capacity in movement / capacity required by plan) It was enough for a bus to be moving 5 minutes in half an hour for its seats to count There was no way to monitor that the bus in movement was in route 94% flexibility for peak hours

ICPH Worked in the short-run But: Operators started gaming the system: Abuse 94% of flexibility during peak hours Change buses within half an hour Bus in movement but outside route No incentives to control driver rest time

What happened in 2008? A provisional fleet management system was introduced Each bus could be monitored in each route IADB credit with which the system was being subsidized was declared unconstitutional In October of that year Constitutional emergency funds began being used

New control mechanisms Discounts to payments for noncompliance of: Frequency (ICF) Regularity (ICR) One contract was taken away and another operator was put in place Operational figures improved notoriously in the second semester of 2008

Renegotiation 2009 Introduced ICPKH Meeting this index was the same as complying with ICF Simplify payment formulas Requirement to take away contract after 6.000 UF of fines was changed Fleet renovation mechanism Almost 100% of the fleet is now rennovated

Incentive problems persist Meeting ICPKH can be done without stopping at bus stops Exclusivity or competition? More demand risk? Fines or monitoring? World class fleet management system?

4.3) Financing A BETTER LIFE IS POSSIBLE.. BUT ITS SURELY MORE EXPENSIVE!

Financing Self-financing the reform at the average fare of the old system was not viable Forced too low a fleet size in the original design Fleet renovation, new technology (GPS, electronic card), formalize drivers, all implied higher costs Solution to overcome crisis showed this

Non-payment Drives do not have incentives to control non-payment (fixed wage) Neither do operators (ICPKH) Non-payment is close to 20% in buses Solution: more demand risk to operators? Allow driver s income to depend on passengers?

Monthly operational deficit (US$ million) 90.0 80.0 70.0 60.0 50.0 40.0 30.0 20.0 10.0 0.0 Source: CGTS

Are subsidies justified? Theory: Mohring effect Second best argument Practice: Europe: 50% of operational costs EEUU: 65% of operational costs Small and Parry (2009): subsidies should be even higher

The case of Santiago Subsidizing public transport is progressive There was a cross-subsidy in fares Student fare 1/3 of adult fare Works like a tax on public transport fares for adults

How was the deficit funded? 2007: law 20.206 2008: IADB credit and Constitutional funds 2009: Constitutional funds and law passed in August 2010: Subsidy law Transitory subsidy (increased in 2010) Permanent subsidy (US$ 210 million) Expert panel sets fares

Fare increase 2010-2011 Fare increased from $400 to $500 from March 2010 to December 2010 Further $40 increase during early 2011 Affecting image of TS and government popularity Fares are due to rise further as transitory subsidy declines Should subsidies be maintained?

5) Lessons I Its risky to mess with public transport systems Political consensus are a pre-requisite regulate by law not contracts Institutional checks and balances Detailed design issues are crucial, trial and error are necessary, gradual reform instead of Big Bang

Lessons II Technology and infrastructure must be operational before reform Ask: what are the benefits offered to users from the reform? Incentive issues are crucial (non-payment and operational consequences) Complex in developing countries Subsidies need to be carefully considered for ambitious reforms

Lessons III SITP in Bogotá? non-payment What benefits are users being offered?

Accidents (2004-2005) Siniestros Fallecidos Lesionados Graves Menos graves Leves Total lesionados 2004 7,164 118 594 557 3,602 4,753 2005 6,366 112 533 481 3,395 4,409

Accidents 2004-2010 Accidentes involving urban buses (Gran Santiago) 7,164 6,366 4,951 3,406 3,291 3,047 2,937 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010

Fatalities 2004-2010 Fatalities in accidents involving urban buses (Gran Santiago) 118 112 71 73 80 58 83 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010

Injuries 2004-2010 People injured in accidents involving urban buses (Gran Santiago) 4,409 3,854 3,061 2,704 2,242 2,248 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010

Air pollution Fall of 5.86 micrograms of average PM10 concentration levels Each microgram is worth between US$80 and US$150 million of health benefits

Motorized trips, working day 2006 Mode or combination of Trips % of total modes Private (auto or motorcycle) 3.664.221 36% Bus only 3.962.023 38% Bus Bus 239.176 2% Bus Metro 203.119 2% Bus Other 613.065 6% Metro only 625.811 6% Metro Other 201.017 2% Taxi (shared and regular) 645.100 6% Other motorized mode 164.495 2% Total 10.318.027 100% Source: own calculations based on Origin-Destiny survey 2006, Sectra.

General Scheme

Buses in operation 5.500 Fiscalización de Cantidad de Buses Transantiago Punta Mañana (05:30-09:30) 5.250 Cantidad de Buses 5.000 4.750 4.500 4.250 En Agosto se firmaron nuevos contratos 4.000 Marzo Abril Mayo Junio Julio Agosto Sept. Oct. Nov. Dic. Mes